1. In light of your decades-long struggle
against charges of conspiracy by the US government, how do you
think this would
affect your relationship with the CIA, FBI, and
Department of
State were you to be elected President.
Already, today, after more than two years of
poor George, and with
the ongoing U.S. catastrophe in the hot sands of
Iraq, many
professionals would be delighted with the
change. Others, according to
custom, would adjust. A few skunks would
discreetly seek employment
away from the henhouse. Such is the relevant best
available of all
possible worlds.
All the documented 1973-1989 conspiracies
against me, including
discovered assassination-plots, came from within,
most notably, the U.S.
or Soviet governments, were done either under
governments which no
longer exists, or by powerful financier interests
whose power would be
much diminished by the mere fact of my election.
Most in government
have the habit of "going along to get along" with
the presently
established arrangements of that occasion.
2. In order to help save what you refer to as a
doomed world and
national economy, Mr. La Rouche, you recommend
removing the
international "free trade" hegemony and replacing
it with "the
promotion of protected
hard-commodity international trade, as
part of the promotion of a global,
long-term economic-recovery
effort.
Could you elaborate on how you will convince
Congress and the
American people that this plan is in their best
interest?
In broad terms, I have several crucial
advantages working for me.
As FDR had the "advantage" of Hoover's bad
performance, I will have,
as negative advantages, the support of popular
hatred against any
prolongation of the presently accelerating effects
of a systemic
breakdown-crisis of the world's present,
floating-exchange monetary-
financial system, and the related spectacle of
Alan
Greenspan fleeing
the
pages of history in his nightshirt. On the
positive side, I would
benefit
from the combined factors of my published record
of unequalled success
of more than thirty years as the world's leading
long-range economic
forecaster, and my position as the first President
since Nixon's 1966-68
campaign as actually an advocate of the interests
of "the forgotten
man,"
the lower eighty percentile of family-income
brackets.
The people will tend to support the President
who supports the
people; for most Americans today, such as those
now watching their
social security, power supplies, and health-care
evaporate under both
recent and current managements, that will be an
unusual but gratifying
experience.
Q3. In addition to resolving the United
States
economic
problems, could you expound upon your views on
your top three
domestic issues you will believe are of primary
importance to
the American people (i.e., adequate
healthcare, crime, the war
on terror) ?
The customary politics of "what are your
issues?" frankly turns my
stomach, especially when secondary-school teachers
assign their cruelly
misinformed charges the task of writing letters to
candidates on "Where
do you stand on the issues?" I do think, however,
that that reflected
state of our educational system is a significant
issue. A competent
occupant of the position of President of the
U.S.A. proceeds according
a mission-orientation for the performance of his
office in his time, as
General Douglas MacArthur won that Pacific War
which was fought
over the greatest area, with the lowest cost of
life, by avoiding
battles
not worth fighting, all in the quickest possible
time. MacArthur's
whole
life was summed up in that one consuming mission
of 1941-45. So it
goes, as for MacArthur's case, with those
qualified U.S. Presidents, who
have left their honorable mark on the continuing
historical development
of our institutions.
The all-subsuming issue is: I am the only
visible contender who
actually has competently defined, and documented a
comprehensive
mission for the Presidency, our economy, and our
foreign relations, at
this juncture of national and world history. The
evidence indicates
that
the single most important issue of the present
campaign is, that none of
my putative rivals could define a coherent
mission-orientation, even if
they were willing to try, even if the
neo-conservatives now dominating
the Democratic National Committee gave them
permission to speak.
One of the more significant reasons they could
not, is that they are so
busy ducking, bobbing, and weaving demands for
their stated "position
on each of the list of issues," that they no
longer seem actually know
who they themselves are. (I presume you know the
fable of the toad and
the centipede.)
4. What would be your role as President in
promoting national
security, in light of the events of September
11th, 2001 and the
establishment of the office of Homeland Security?
Sept. 11, 2001 was the U.S.A.'s approximation
of the Reichstag
Fire of February 1933, an incident which was
stage-managed by Goering
on Hitler's behalf. This was precisely the type
of likely risk against
which I had warned publicly at the time of George
W. Bush's January
inauguration. This incident of Sept. 11th brought
Vice-President Cheney
and his neo-conservative rabble to their
presently, widely exposed
position of power inside the Bush Administration.
I am not a poor dumb bunny like our current
George. Although
I more than merely suspect that there are some who
might wish to do
something against my Presidency, as they did
against his, I doubt that
anyone capable of successfully orchestrating such
a stunt would be
reckless enough to take the risk of attempting
that against my
administration. Had adequate security of the type
which had been
supposed to be operational on September 11, 2001,
been properly
functioning, three successive planes could not
have done by surprise
what was done that day. Maybe the first incident
had been barely
possible, but not three in an on-line-coordinated,
controlled
administrative pattern of the type recorded as the
pattern on that day.
The cumbersome "Rube Goldberg" of Homeland
Defense would
have done no good that day, or perhaps any
day. Traditional security
and law-enforcement vigilance, properly
implemented, would be our
best possible defense. I do intend to strengthen
the relevant
intelligence
functions, as I have discussed these matters with
relevant types of
senior
professionals to whom I would, once again, turn
for advice and related
assistance. The lessons of "our Reichstag Fire"
will prompt me to
ensure that what should have been in place on the
morning of Sept. 11th,
or any comparable future day, will be in place,
and functioning, and
regularly reviewed for improvements.
5. Under your administration what do you
foresee
the role of the
United States will be in the decisions and
actions of the United
Nations?
The historic interest of our republic, from
the beginning, was to
prepare the way for a world composed of a
community of principle
among a system of perfectly sovereign nation-state
republics. Broadly,
in addition to its vital, primary, Security
Council function of
enforcing
a military doctrine of strategic defense among
nations, the UNO is
presently the most convenient diplomatic forum
within which to
promote such a "community of principle," as
Secretary of State John
Quincy Adams defined that term in his letter
advising President Monroe
in the matter of the Monroe Doctrine.
6. In an attempt to bring the readers of PurePolitics.com a more
intimate view of the candidates for President, we
are asking one
question to all, irrelevant of their political
campaigns. Mr.
La Rouche, what is your favorite flavor of ice
cream?
At the moment, lime. Since you brought that
subject up, I can
imagine the taste of it now!
LaRouche
in 2004
PO BOX 730
Leesburg, VA 20178
1-800-929-7566
Website
Campaign Email Address:
info@larouchein2004.com
Election
2004
Lyndon
LaRouche